A strategy for exposing unaccountable judges’ riskless abuse of power: out of court and by appealing to your self-interest and that of the media and presidential candidates

NOTE: I would be grateful if you would acknowledgereceipt of this email. I kindly encourage youto share it and post it to social media as widely as possible in your owninterest and that of the rest of We thePeople. To subscribeto articles similar to the one hereunder go to http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org >leftpanel >↓Register
or +New or Users >Add New . Dr.Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@... , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, CorderoRic@...
Dear Victimsof, and Witnesses to, judges’ abuse, and Advocates of Honest Judiciaries,
The article below lays out an alternative born of strategic thinking to suing thejudge in one’s personal case. It is defined in the title below. I respectfully encourageyou to consider it carefully, adopt it, and join forces with us to implement itas proposed, beginning by sharing and posting it as widely as possible. Timeis of the essence: The more presidential candidates are still in the race andthe more desperate they feel about having to drop out due to lack of public support,the more likely it is that they will consider the proposal for denouncing unaccountablejudges’ riskless abuse of power in order to attract the attention and donations of the hugeuntapped leaderless voting bloc of The Dissatisfied with the Judicial and LegalSystem. They are searching for a leader.
I look forward to hearing from you.


Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@…, DrRCordero@…,Corderoric@… https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’semail and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailinghim, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line ofyour email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least atone of those addresses.**************************** Thinking strategically
to expose unaccountablejudges’ riskless abuse of power by
outraging a critical mass of anabuse-intolerant MeToo! public and
incentivizing enough journalists
with probable cause to believe that
the judges have coordinated their abuse in
schemes involving criminal acts;
rather than wasting effort, time, and money on
the traditional and doomed to failure attempt to prove in court to other judgesthat
the judge in one’s case should be disciplined or removed;
and causing incentivized journalists toinvestigate judges’ abuse and
an outraged public to demand of presidential candidates that they
campaign on holding judges accountable and
liable to compensate the victims of their abuse
By Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@… , DrRCordero@… , CorderoRic@…
A. The futility of demanding action in court against the judgein one’s case 1. Federal district, circuit, and Supreme Court jurists have alife-appointment so that they never have to run for election or reelection;bankruptcy judges are appointed and reappointed for a term of 14 years by theircircuit colleagues(*>jur:43fn61a). 2. By contrast, state judges have to run in judicial races,unless they are appointed for a term of years by politicians. But they mayevade having to run again by serving as senior judges after retiring. However,by the time judges qualify for senior judgeships they are old and can serve foronly a few more years. 3. By the same token, by that time they have served for solong and have collected so many IOUs, e.g., favors owed by people on whosebehalf they have abused their power, that they are most unlikely to be exposedby anybody: a. Judges can cash in their IOUs for pressure to be exerted onwhoever dare launch an expository effort against them or their peers andcolleagues, who may have become their friends. With the ill-gotten IOUs oftheir abuse, they ‘buy’ their individual and class impunity in fact (comparedto the ‘in law’ judicial immunity doctrine that they have self-servinglyproclaimed to arrogate to themselves unequal protection from the law(*>OL:158). 4. That is why we, victims of, and witnesses to, judges’abuse, and advocates of honest judiciaries, should not try to expose the abuse ofthe judge(s) in our case by making an effort in their courts, their turf, wherethey disregard the rules and the law however they want and without fearing anyadverse consequence for themselves, for they know that their peers andcolleagues will protect them. For instance, federal judges, the models fortheir state counterparts, dismiss 100%(†>OL2:918) of thecomplaints against them, which necessarily must be filed with them(*>jur:24§b). 5. Filing a complaint or suit against a judge is an exercisethat judges systematically doom to failure by applying their tacit or implicitreciprocal exoneration agreement. It is a wasteful effort at redress.__________________ * Thematerials corresponding to the(* †>blue text references) arefound in my two-volume study* † of judges and their judiciaries, titled and downloadablethus: Exposing Judges' Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting* † *Volume 1: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates..pdf >all prefixes:page# upto prefix OL:page393 † Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >from page OL2:394 a.Download the volume files using MS Edge, Firefox, or Chrome; it may happen thatInternet Explorer only downloads a blank page. b.Open the downloaded files using Adobe Acrobat Reader, which is available forfree at https://acrobat.adobe.com/us/en/acrobat/pdf-reader.html. c.In each downloaded file, go to the Menu bar >View >Navigation Panels>Bookmarks panel and use its bookmarks, which make navigating to thecontents’ numerous(* †>blue references)very easy.____________________ ________________________________________ * The materials corresponding to the(* †>blue text references) are found in my two-volume study* † ofjudges and their judiciaries, titled and downloadable thus: Exposing Judges' Unaccountability and ConsequentRiskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering thenews and publishing field of judicial unaccountability reporting* †B. The media’s reluctance to denounce judges as ‘abusers’ or “corrupt” 6. A party who in its quest for justice takes its casedirectly to a journalist, including the assigning editor and publisher, because‘it is so obvious that the judgewas abusive and corrupt that the journalist must investigate my case’ ismost likely to be disappointed. It is important to understand why that is so inorder to be fair and reasonable, and to look for a promising alternativethrough strategic thinking. 1. Practical considerations for the media not to investigate 7. Every year more than 50 million cases are filed in thestate and federal courts, to which must be added the hundreds of millions ofcases pending or deemed to have been wrongly or wrongfully decided(*>jur:8fn4,5). Half of them will loseor lost in court and the other half did not get everything it wanted. They formthe huge untapped national voting bloc of The Dissatisfied with the Judicial and Legal System. 8. Journalists lack the resources to investigate even onlythose cases alleged to have been decided by an alleged ‘abusive or corruptjudge’. But even if they did, their reports on cases would be so many andvoluminous that they would occupy all their print space and air time to thedetriment of all other reporting. That outcome is neither commercially viablenor in the interest of a public that wants to be informed about so many othertopics of vital importance to individuals and society. Unavoidably, journalistsmust pick and choose the cases thatthey investigate and report on. 9. In the same vein, lay parties, especially pro ses, mustrecognize that they do not have the necessary detachment from their case andthe breadth and depth of knowledge of the law to objectively assess therelative importance of their case and the other millions of cases or even onlythose brought to journalists’ attention. It is not reasonable for them to say,‘my case is the most important ever’. 10. Journalists are also aware of the long-term harm thatjudges can inflict on them by wielding their enormous retaliatory power(*>Lsch:17§C) against those who investigate judgesfor corruption. 11. In addition, most journalists are not lawyers. They areill-equipped to determine what the correct court procedure should have beenaccording to the rules of procedure and the law, and whether the departure fromthe rules remained within the ample margins of judicial discretion. 12. It is even significantly more difficult for journalists todetermine what the correct interpretation and application of the law shouldhave been…even the justices of a supreme court have divergent views thereon allthe time. 13. To determine that a judge intentionally disregarded thefacts of a case, journalists would have to conduct a full and expensivejournalistic investigation of what happened in court in that case and assessthe relative degree of credibility deserved by each of the opposing parties’competing versions of the facts. Even jurors, who sat throughout thepresentation of evidence, often differ in the weight that they accord to eachwitness’s testimony and thus, in their beliefs of what happened. 2. Jurors should not pay attention to what journalists say 14. All jurors are instructed not to watch or read the newsand not to discuss the case with anybody, not even among themselves, until theparties rest and the judge sends the case to the jury for deliberation andverdict. If the jury is sequestered, the jurors are cut off from everybodyelse, including the media, so that the latter’s reports have no impact on thecase at trial. 3. A finding of abuse of discretion has widely divergentconsequences 15. ‘Abuse of discretion’ is any conduct held to be such byat least two members of a three-member federal appellate panel –or threemembers in a five-member state panel-, even if the other one or two members sayit is not. Journalists cannot substitute their findings and criticism for theappellate panel’s decision. The decision stands. The journalists stand holdingthe bag of bills for their investigation and nothing to show for it. 16. The determination by a court of appeals that in one casea judge overstepped his or her margin of discretion is hardly enough toconclude that the judge is ‘a habitual abuser of power and/ corrupt’. The judgecould have exceeded his discretion out of an honest but mistaken view of thefacts and the law; or he may be incompetent. 17. While in neither of those cases the judge may have actedwith malice, the consequences for the parties may be devastating: The appealeddecision may be vacated and the case remanded for a new trial. However, neitherthe judge nor the judiciary will be held personally or institutionally liableto compensate the parties for the cost of the appeal, let alone that of the newtrial. 18. In practice, the judges are saying, “We screwed up, but you pay for it.”Hence, they do not care to get it right or wrong(†>OL2:457§D),except in cases likely to attract public scrutiny or in which they plan to makenew law so that their decision may end up commented in law journals or evenincluded in a casebook studied in law schools. a.Imagine that a party wins at trial but loses upon the opposing party’smotion to reopen the case or appeal based on a journalist’s report on her newlydiscovered evidence that the court admits or of which it takes judicial notice.Can the losing party sue the journalist and her assigning editor and publisherfor compensation because ‘but for’ their report, the party would have remainedin possession of a valid judgment, which now is invalid so that the party must payeither the consequences of dropping the cases for lack of money to prose-cuteit or the cost of relitigating it?: ‘The journalistmade money off of reporting on my case; let that money cover the foreseeableconsequences of nullifying the old case and opening a new one’. Can this consideration have achilling effect on the journalist and her editor and publisher? Can you provideassurance that the losing party will not sue them? C. Auditing a judge in search of evidence of his abuse orcorruption 18. A party to a case is by definition biased toward itsside of the story. So it sounds suspicious when it claims that the judge in itscase ‘abused his power and is corrupt’. Evidence must be produced to supportthat claim; otherwise, the party will be dismissed by the judges as ‘a disgruntled loser’. 19. The most convincing evidence is produced by a group ofparties with a case before the same judge or a third party unrelated to anycase, such as journalists, establishing a pattern of the judge’s abuse in theircases, for it can show intent as well as malice. That requires auditing(*>OL:274-280, 304-307) the judge’s decisions andarticles published in law reviews and the media. It calls for reading andanalyzing the thousands and perhaps tens of thousands of pages constituting therecords of those cases, evaluating the judge’s and the parties’ competing accounts;and checking the decisions against his other writings. 20. That is a labor intensive task and requiresinvestigative expertise and multidisciplinary knowledge, e.g., accounting,contract law, government regulations, trade usage, zoning. Doing that for even asingle case and judge is too expensive for most outlets in today’s money-strappedmedia industry …and there are scores of millions of cases and tens of thousandsof judges. Investigating each is impossible. In any event, what incentive doesa journalist have to investigate even one?

D. Disciplining or removing a judge: little change for theparty, none in the system 21. A party hardly benefits if the judge on its case isdisciplined, especially since the discipline will in all probability be givenin private and not require any self-incriminating corrective action, let aloneany payment of compensation. Judges utter and hear their reciprocal cry: “I know every abuse that you havecommitted and covered up. So if you bring me down, I’ll take you with me!” Sparing their peers and colleaguespublic criticism and investigation amounts to protecting themselves. 22. If the judge is removed from the case, it does notmeaning that the party won. The decision may stand if the removing judge(s)find that the grounds for removal did not impair the merits of the decision.. Thedecision of the removed judge may be vacated and the case remanded for a newtrial. If by then the party is not penniless or about to go bankrupt, it must self-financethe new trial. 23. A new trial may be to no avail: The case may be steeredto the same outcome even if on other grounds in the likely event that the newlyassigned judge has the gang mentality revealed by Then-Judge, Now-JusticeGorsuch when he said: “An attack on one of ourbrothers and sisters of the robe is an attack on all of us”(†>OL2:546). The new judge vindicates the removed‘brother or sister’. 24. Removal of a judge from a case does not mean that he orshe is removed from the judiciary. The judge will be assigned other cases orreassigned to a different division or court of the judiciary. Judges are mostunlikely to be removed from the judiciary: Only 8 federal judges have been impeachedand removed in the last 230 years since the creation of the Federal Judiciaryin 1789 (*>jur:21§a). The prospect of impeachmentand removal is anathema to judges’ pretense of honesty. Rather, the judge willbe given the option of retiring with the pension earned thus far. 25. If removal there is, the people who put on the bench thenow removed judge will simply replace him with another of the same ilk, one whoknows how to wield power without being too indiscreet. 26. The journalist who dare investigate a judge will haverisked becoming the target of all the judges’ power of retaliation; borne the highcost of the investigation; endured the frustration of dealing with Black Robed Predators(†>OL2:851§B), who sweep all forms of abuse undertheir robe; be shocked by a reiterated version of the vacated decision; and causedneither the party to be compensated nor the system of justice to be improved…soforget about winning a Pulitzer Prize. E. Exposing the judiciary as a rogue institution and abuse asits modus operandi 27. The above points to the need to stop ‘picking and choosing’ individual casesand judges to expose. Instead, we must adopt a strategy that reveals abuse of powerin the Federal Judiciary –to begin with, since it is the only judiciary that hasnational jurisdiction and affects everybody– to be inexcusable as a matter ofdiscretion and so unambiguously criminal and pervasive due to its nature,extent, and gravity that it is its judges’ institutionalized way of doingbusiness. That is revealed by these schemes, which are the most complex,coordinated, profitable, and harmful forms of abuse: a. the bankruptcy fraud scheme(†>OL2:614;*>OL:194§E); b. the concealment of assets and money laundering(*>jur:65§§1-3; 102§4); c. the disposition of most cases without reading their briefs(†>OL2:760; 457§D); d. the interception of the emails and mail of their critics(†>OL2:929, 781); and e. the holding of themselves unaccountable by dismissing 100%of complaints(†>OL2:918, OL2:792). against them to protect their status as Judges of The Power-AbusiveState Above the state 28. If the public at large were informed about theseschemes, it would be outraged, for it has developed both an intolerance to anyform of abuse and the self-assertiveness of the MeToo! people who shout the rallying cry: Enough is enough!
We won’t take anyabuse by anybody anymore. 29. But we do not have the access to the national public andthe media necessary to inform them about these schemes. That is why we needallies that do. They need not share our experience of abuse at the hands ofjudges. They only need to have an interest that can be advanced harmoniously withours if they and we jointly expose judges’ abuse. If so, they become our alliesof result. 30. Right now the ones who have access to thenational media and public are the presidential candidates. By denouncingjudges’ abuse, they can reach people like us across the country: TheDissatisfied with the Judicial and Legal System. They form a huge(supra ¶7) untapped and leaderless voting bloc. 31. That is precisely what the candidates need, whoare desperate to attract the attention and donations of ever more people and scorehigher in the polls to qualify for the nationally televised presidentialdebates, the next one of which is in September, lest they must drop out of therace. 32. If we join forces to implement this realistic strategyby sharing and posting the article at OL2:937 aswidely as possible, we can reach a critical mass of people and journalists. Thelatter can be incentivized to investigate the schemes because ‘Scandal sells and wins prizes’;and an outraged people can demand that the candidates denounce at a pressconference and every rally judges’ abuse.

33. As for us, we can make progress toward one ofour key objectives: to form a national civic single-issue movement for judicialabuse exposure, redress, and reform(OL2:945, 891). To that end, I offer to make apresentation of this strategy at a video conference or, if all my expenses arepaid, in person. Dare trigger history!(*>jur:7§5)...and you may enter it. F. KNOWLEDGE IS POWER: subscribe for free to acquire it anddonate to help produce and distribute it Visit the website at,
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or + New or Users >AddNew 34. Every meaningful cause needs resources for its advancement;none can be advanced without money. Support Judicial Discipline Reform in its: a. professional law research(*>jur:131§b)and writing, and strategic thinking(†>OL2:445§B, 475§D);and b. enhancement(†>OL2:563) of its website at http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.orginto: 1) a clearinghousefor complaints(†>OL2:918)about judges that anybody can upload; and 2) a research centerfor auditing(*>OL:274-280, 304-307) manycomplaints in search of(*>OL:255) the mostpersuasive type of evidence, i.e., patterns(OL2:792§A),trends, and schemes(OL2:614) of abuse of power. Put your moneywhere your outrage at abuse and
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* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf Sincerely, Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@...,DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, Corderoric@... https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b NOTE: Given theinterference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at*>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copythe above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line of youremail so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at oneof those addresses.************************************ #yiv5918721387 -- #yiv5918721387ygrp-mkp {border:1px solid #d8d8d8;font-family:Arial;margin:10px 0;padding:0 10px;}#yiv5918721387 #yiv5918721387ygrp-mkp hr {border:1px solid #d8d8d8;}#yiv5918721387 #yiv5918721387ygrp-mkp #yiv5918721387hd {color:#628c2a;font-size:85%;font-weight:700;line-height:122%;margin:10px 0;}#yiv5918721387 #yiv5918721387ygrp-mkp #yiv5918721387ads {margin-bottom:10px;}#yiv5918721387 #yiv5918721387ygrp-mkp .yiv5918721387ad {padding:0 0;}#yiv5918721387 #yiv5918721387ygrp-mkp 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